Patrick Foster’s idea of a Hudson-Willys merger still raises major questions

Hudson-Willys merger idea

(EXPANDED FROM 10/17/2023)

A few years ago Patrick Foster (2023) suggested in a Hemmings column why a marriage of Hudson and Willys could have made sense. More recently he updated his essay, so I was curious to see if he had addressed any of the questions that lingered from his original article.

The short answer: Nope. Foster’s take still sounds more like barstool philosophizing than serious historical analysis. That he didn’t appreciably beef up his analysis illustrates a key weakness of the American automotive history. The field evolves at glacial speed in no small part because individual historians tend to operate inside their own little bubbles.

So at the risk of sounding impertinent, let’s walk through the questions I still have about Foster’s take.

1949 Hudson
Hudson arguably had the most advanced American car design of the late-1940s — including unit-body construction. That presumably translated into more complex manufacturing processes. Pictured is a 1949 model (Old Car Brochures).

Was there enough cost savings to justify a merger?

Foster (2023/2024) suggested that the two companies could have saved money by pruning the ranks of management and consolidating various departments such as for accounting and sales. That’s true, but he didn’t discuss integrating production in one plant. This was one of the bigger steps a new combine could take to increase economies of scale (Edwards, 1965).

If plant consolidation had occurred, I assume that it would have been in Hudson’s Detroit, Michigan facility. That assembly plant presumably had higher production capacity as well as more complete and modern equipment than Willys’ Toledo, Ohio facility.

As a case in point, in 1949 Hudson production peaked at almost 160,000 units in 1949. Foster (2014) reported in a Jeep book that the truck-maker’s production capacity had been increased to 150,000 units in 1947. However, in the early-postwar years Willys didn’t get close to using that capacity. In addition, Jeep bodies were much simpler to produce than the Hudson step-down models. Could the Willys factory have been refitted to produce Hudsons without costly upgrades?

Most notably, could Hudsons and Jeeps have been built in the same plant without significant reconfigurations because Hudsons had unit-body construction whereas Jeeps used separate body-on-frame construction?

1947 Willys Jeep wagon
Willys arguably had the easiest-to-manufacture lineup of any major American automaker because it used simple sheetmetal shapes and body-on-frame construction. Pictured is a 1947 Willys Jeep wagon (Old Car Brochures).

Mixing construction methods didn’t usually occur

The historical literature tends to suggest that the two types of car construction required different assembly plant layouts.

For example, the Ford Motor Company felt the need to build a brand-new plant to produce its new unit-body Thunderbird and Lincoln/Continental for 1958 (go here for further discussion).

That said, Willys-Overland Motors managed to assemble Jeeps along with the unit-body Aero at its Toledo, Ohio plant. In addition, in 1979 American Motors assembled larger Jeeps at its Kenosha, Wisconsin plant even though it had previously only built unit-body passenger cars (Foster, 2023/2024).

In the comments below, S. Bauer offered evidence that one could potentially mix construction methods. However, it would depend on the specifics of how the two types of vehicles were produced. Might Foster have assumed that it wasn’t possible? If so, he didn’t say.

1954 Hudson Jet

1953 Willys Aero
If a merger had happened soon enough, one of the most important outcomes could have been the avoidance of launching the ill-fated Jet (top image). The Willys Aero was arguably a better all-around compact (Old Car Brochures).

Other automakers may have been a better match up

If Hudson’s Detroit plant could not have easily added Jeep production, that would have been a big downside of hooking up with Willys. Hudson management may have ideally wanted to keep keep open its facility after a merger. That didn’t happen once the automaker was absorbed by Nash.

If Hudson couldn’t integrate Willys production in its plant, Nash also might not have been able to either because its plants produced only unit-body cars. That would have left Studebaker, Packard and Kaiser as the most promising merger partners because they used body-on-frame construction.

Also see ‘Hudson would have been the best option for a Packard tie up’

One wild card was whether Willys management prioritized a merger partner that kept the Toledo factory open. If this had been the case, then a merger with Kaiser arguably made the most sense because that automaker clearly needed to offload its massive Willow Run, Michigan plant in favor of a smaller one more appropriate to its declining production levels (Langworth, 1975).

Meanwhile, it’s hard to see how Studebaker could have justified keeping Toledo open since it had a truck plant in South Bend, Indiana (Langworth, 1979, 1993). Packard might have initially kept Willys production in Toledo but moved it to the automaker’s Detroit plant as passenger-car volume declined.

1954 Hudson Hornet
Foster rightly noted that avoiding the Jet could have freed up money to update Hudson’s aging full-sized cars. However, it is hard to see them making it through the a late-50s recession that devastated premium-priced big cars.

Why would both Willys and Hudson offer compacts?

Foster appeared to assume that Hudson would offer a version of the compact Willys Aero. That may be because his article was initiated by a reader sending him drawings of an Aero-based Hudson Jet. So perhaps he was just being nice.

However, that begs the obvious question: What was the value of fielding two competing products if a goal was to integrate dealer networks? And why would a merger be useful to Hudson if dealer networks were not integrated?

That brings up another question. Foster (2023/2024) stated that “both brands would have increased their networks by a good amount, likely spurring a significant increase in sales volume.” I can see why that might have helped Willys, but why Hudson? Willys dealers had been primarily focused on selling trucks so may not have been well suited to selling premium-priced passenger cars.

In addition, at least some dealers would likely have had overlapping sales territories. This happened in the wake of the Hudson’s merger with Nash to form American Motors (Edwards, 1965). The main advantage Hudson dealers would have gained from a merger may have been to broaden their product line. The Jeeps might not have been huge sellers at the retail level, but they also did not face the brutal competition that full-sized Hudsons and compact Aeros did as the 1950s progressed.

1964 Jeep wagon
One of the biggest advantages of Hudson linking up with Willys was the longevity of the Jeep line. As a case in point, the wagon stayed in production with relatively minor changes from 1946 through 1965 in the U.S. — and longer elsewhere.

Why would Willys field a Hudson-based big car?

Foster’s (2023/2024) least-compelling idea was that “Willys could have fielded a version of the Hudson Wasp as a full-size Willys car.” He noted that this was “admittedly unlikely,” but I would put it in the category of “no way.” What could possibly have been gained by such a move — particularly if dealer networks had been integrated?

To be fair, Foster was right that Willys saved Kaiser as well as American Motors and arguably even Chrysler and Fiat. This strikes me as hugely ironic given that Willys was arguably the weakest of the early-50s independents. Perhaps even more amusingly, the Jeep lineup was the antithesis of Detroit’s postwar emphasis on glitzy and powerful mansions of glory.

All that said, I don’t think a Hudson-Willys marriage would have made the most sense of the various options unless all car and truck production could have been consolidated in the Detroit plant. That’s why the key question was whether this was possible without prohibitively costly changes. It’s too bad that Foster didn’t address this rather than waxing philosophical about such things as a Wasp-based Willys. It’s fun barstool talk, but not much more.

NOTES:

This story was originally posted on Oct. 17, 2023 and expanded on Jan. 23, 2026. Production figures from auto editors of Consumer Guide (1993, 2006) and Foster (2014).

Share your reactions to this post with a comment below or a note to the editor.


RE:SOURCES

Patrick Foster's latest AMC book

ADVERTISING & BROCHURES:

7 Comments

  1. “I wonder if it was easier to add unit-body construction to a plant originally configured for body-on-frame construction rather than the other way around.”

    That to a large extent depends on what exact kind of technology is employed for the assembly of the unitized body car. Body on frame cars are usually assembled by lowering a pre-assembled, finished & upholstered body onto a pre-assembled chassis that is rolling along the assembly line:

    https://1cars.org/uploads/posts/2015-04/1430058498_pontiac.jpg

    This process can be essentially duplicated for a unitized body car if instead of a permanent frame you mount all suspension & drive train components onto a temporary fixture / jig that is dragged by the conveyor, and lower the body onto it – e.g. that’s how GM assembled its unibody compacts:

    https://www.classiccarstodayonline.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/a-Pontiac-1969-Firebird-Assembly-Line.jpg

    https://i.redd.it/4lcyj4x21j7a1.jpg

    This way, body & frame and unitized body vehicles can be assembled on the same assembly line with little modification – or, at the very least, at the same plant using very similar production techniques, without developing two completely different assemble sequences.

    In other production systems, front & rear suspensions, engine unit etc. are installed individually, which makes the process significantly different and probably completely incompatible with body on frame vehicles:

    https://cs9.pikabu.ru/post_img/big/2020/02/21/5/1582266144186376251.jpg

    https://assets.rebelmouse.io/media-library/gremlinassemblyline-1000.jpg?id=30870506&width=1200&height=800&quality=90&coordinates=0%2C0%2C0%2C123

    • Thank you for the background. If I’m reading all of this correctly, it sounds like it was possible that the Hudson plant could have added the production of separate body-on-frame construction depending on what layout the plant had, but the devil was in the details.

  2. If such a merger had happened early enough, Hudson could have saved the wasted expense of developing the Jet and deployed that capital instead to a second generation step down. How well that might have done against other premium full size cars may be questionable, but Hudson did have advantages in roadholding and reliability over its competition that may have been exploited with a more contemporary package.

  3. Would a deconted Wasp be possible for Willys? The Willys Wasp would emphasize unit construction sturdiness, while the Hudson Wasp would push appointments, speed and road handling. Still after the dust settles you would probably end up with a “National Motors” with a Hornet Wasp and Aero based in Toledo, mirroring AMCs Ambassador Classic and Rambler. Was there a big enough market for two AMCs? I rather doubt it. In a way, the question of the independents in the postwar era is like a maze. So many directions to go, and most leading to a dead end.

    • I suspect that Hudson would have had to ditch its big-car platform by the early-60s. That could have led to the Hornet becoming much like the Rambler Ambassador — an extended version of the compact Aero. It would have been interesting to see what Hudson engineers would have done in subsequent generations of the Aero. Might they have gone in more of a European direction than most other American compacts, such as by experimenting with independent-rear suspension?

  4. Okay, I think the points made about manufacturing / assembly plants mixing unit with body-on-frame construction are excellent and Willys-Overland (Jeep) had a better plan than Kaiser-Frazer, even though Kaiser folded Willys / Jeep into their empire. But here is my question about the U.S. auto industry after 1950: Were there enough domestic vehicle buyers to purchase 120,000 Packards / Clippers, 285,000 Studebakers, 250,000 Nashes and 250,000 Hudsons / Willys / Jeeps each year ? If the post-1954 domestic auto / truck manufacturers EACH established a business plan targeting the need to break-even on a minimum volume of 250,000 vehicles per year, the only real plan that made any sense was George Mason’s plan of 1954 before his death of a combined American Motors Corporation of all U.S. independents except Kaiser and Willys-Overland (Jeep).

  5. I wouldn’t count Jeep in the mix. Their market was not very elastic and had no competition. You’re lookina at roughly 15% of the market share for independents here. They survived the 1930s shakeout and the postwar seller’s market was over. What was the independent’s market share from 46-49? Did some of the indie sales consist of buyer who couldn’t get a hold of big 3 cars? 1949 and 1950 are probably the first normal years for car manufacturers in 20 years.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published.


*